Communal Narrative or Political Theatre?

 

“Doordarshan to show ‘The Kerala Story’ today” 

I would like to afford my heart the luxury of nonchalance at this news, but trust me, I can no longer do so.  There is a sense of concern, disappointment, and disdain, but I cannot remain indifferent any longer to the national broadcaster’s motives behind such a decision.

 

‘To what extent is the screening of ‘The Kerala Story’ a manifestation of right-wing Hindu nationalism infiltrating our national platforms?’

 

As a citizen witnessing the national broadcaster screening a controversial and Islamophobic film, it stirs deep concerns about the direction of our secular values and the increasing influence of right-wing agendas on our national platforms. My mind is at war: ‘To what extent is the screening of ‘The Kerala Story’ a manifestation of right-wing Hindu nationalism infiltrating our national platforms?’ It’s a sobering realisation, highlighting the interplay of religion, politics, and media in shaping the narrative of modern India. This calculated move, veiled under the guise of cultural reverence, serves as yet another testament to the insidious intertwining of religion and politics in our national narrative.

 

While some may perceive this film as harmless entertainment, it’s essential to recognise it for what it truly is: a calculated attempt to sow polarisation and advance a communal agenda under the pretense of cultural preservation. The presence of factual errors deliberately distorted to fit a particular narrative further underscores the malicious intentions behind its production.

 

When the CAA and Electoral Bond are stirring up controversy at the forefront, there is much more happening behind the curtain in the creation of the so-called “Akhand Bharat,” the Greater India. This involves the politicisation of religion across various domains, from electoral strategies to inciting communal unrest and leveraging media platforms for propaganda.

 

So, let’s address the fundamental question: “Is this move by DD surprising? Or has DD already become the propaganda machine of the BJP-RSS, as CM Pinarayi Vijayan warned against?”

 

Short answer: No! But for a longer explanation, let’s take a quick glance at history, dating back to when the Modi Government re-launched Doordarshan in November 2014 as “Desh Ka Apna Channel” (the country’s own channel), but a decade later, we can rightfully call it “Modi Ji Ka Apna Channel” (Modi’s personal channel).

 

The ideological shift became evident with the live broadcast of a speech by RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat during Vijaya Dashami in 2014. This marked a concerning trend of utilising a taxpayer-funded national broadcaster to disseminate sectarian messages.

 

DD’s move towards ideological propagation began with the airing of Ramayana, escalating significantly in 2014 with the live broadcast of a speech by RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat during Vijaya Dasham marking a concerning trend of utilising a taxpayer-funded national broadcaster to disseminate sectarian messages of RSS, the sect known for its controversial history.

 

So, how deep-rooted is the influence of right-wing Hindu nationalism on DD?

 

During his time in the opposition, Narendra Modi famously raised concerns about DD selectively editing his speeches. However, it seems that since assuming the role of Prime Minister, DD has become extra cautious in its coverage, leaving no room for such complaints. 

 

DD has given Modi and the right-wing a free platform for their agenda and propaganda. It’s evident that questioning how DD could use taxpayer money for this purpose is irrelevant, given that this practice has been ongoing for years.

 

‘The Kerala Story’ made headlines even before it hit the theatres, for its exaggeration, sectarian divisions, and communal polarisation by peddling half-truths. As Bina Paul noted, it’s a narrative that feeds on certain people’s wish for this country. 

 

Sudipto Sen’s movie portrays Hindu and Christian women from Kerala recruited by the Islamic State group (IS). It depicts them being seduced by Muslim men and eventually joining IS after conversion to Islam. For a film that the filmmakers claim is based on years of research, it got caught in factual inaccuracies even before it hit the box office. The director had to get the trailer description changed from the story of 32,000 women to three women. As critics pan it, it is propaganda aimed at stoking religious disharmony and refurbishing existing Islamophobic tropes.

 

Explaining the conclusion of the figures shown about the movie, the director of the movie, Sudipto Sen, said, “The figure 32,000 is arbitrary, but also based on some facts.” Logically and rationally, what is the explanation for this so-called arbitrary figure that’s based on some facts?

 

While the BJP government swiftly banned the BBC documentary detailing events during Narendra Modi’s regime and the Gujarat riots in 2002, it paradoxically embraced ‘The Kerala Story’ as a documentary with the Prime Minister himself praising it at a political rally to the film receiving tax exemptions in BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, and Uttarakhand. Additionally, party members facilitated screenings and distributed free tickets, raising concerns about the film’s political backing and its potential to fuel divisive narratives.

 

Those advocating for free speech often overlook the glaring double standard within the right-wing, including the government. While they uphold their own freedom of expression, opposing voices are routinely silenced, often through arrests or censorship.

 

In the pursuit of unrestricted free speech, it’s crucial to prevent the proliferation of hate-driven narratives.

 

Audiences of these propaganda films unknowingly absorb the divisive messages, which can escalate into real-life conflicts. Propaganda isn’t just about outright hate speech; it’s a crafty manipulation, using emotionally charged half-truths to influence opinions.

 

These films prompt consideration of a concerning trend in Indian cinema: Are we witnessing a surge in narratives that align with the BJP’s Hindu-nationalist agenda since Modi’s rise to power in 2014?

 

As for a government that considers the Ram Mandir a source of national pride, built upon the blood of the innocent, having the national broadcaster serve as a propaganda machine is the new normal and is indicative of the current politicisation of religion.

 

And to bring about a change in this new normal, the election is coming…